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Isreali and Palestinian flags
Photo: MTV News

Perhaps no conflict on earth has lasted longer, is more bitter, or has attracted greater attention from US foreign policy makers over the years than the Israeli-Palestinian standoff. It is a dispute that arguably goes back not just years, not just decades, not just centuries, but millennia. Indeed, there may be no region in the world with a longer list of intractable problems than the Middle East.

Sadly, the prospects for peace in the region appear as dim as ever these days. As of February 4, Palestinian leader Yasir Arafat was, for all intents and purposes, under house arrest by the Israeli military, which has positioned tanks just a hundred yards outside his offices in the Israeli occupied territory known as the West Bank. The move to box Arafat in comes in the wake of a string of suicide attacks on Israeli civilians by Palestinian militants. The clamp down was also prompted by the Israelis’Äô recent seizure of a boat containing 50 tons of heavy weapons, which they said was en route to the Palestinian territories at the behest of one of Arafat's closest aides.

Current Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon and Arafat are long-time nemeses that met in combat during the 1980’Äôs when Sharon was a general in the Israeli military and Arafat was leading his Palestinian Liberation Organization in armed rebellion. Enmity between the two clearly remains. Unlike his predecessors, Sharon has steadfastly refused to shake Arafat’Äôs hand during their previous meetings. He recently declared that he is sorry he did not kill Arafat on the battlefield when he says he had the chance. And Sharon says that he now considers Arafat "irrelevant" to forging peace in the region.

When faced with such a stalemate in the past, US foreign policy leaders might have stepped in to soothe nerves and bring both parties back to the negotiating table. But at least for the time being, the Bush Administration is siding unambiguously with the Israelis.

"I am disappointed in Yasir Arafat," Mr. Bush told reporters during a visit to Portland, Maine on January 25. "He must make a full effort to rout out terror in the Middle East. Ordering up weapons that were intercepted on a boat headed for that part of the world is not part of fighting terror, that's enhancing terror, and obviously we're very disappointed in him."

The Israelis cite the arms shipment as evidence that Arafat has merely been paying lip service when he says he deplores the attacks on Israeli citizens. They say his efforts to rein in radical elements in the Occupied Territories have been half-hearted and intentionally ineffective. They say his real agenda remains the destruction of the Jewish State.

For his part, Arafat has said he knew nothing of the shipment and opposes terrorism against Israeli civilians. In an op-ed essay published February 3 in The New York Times, he wrote, "I condemn the attacks carried out by terrorist groups against Israeli civilians. These groups do not represent the Palestinian people or their legitimate aspirations for freedom. They are terrorist organizations, and I am determined to put an end to their activities."

Moreover, he said he is ready to negotiate a peaceful settlement with Sharon but will only do so when Israel begins to recognize the Palestinians as equal partners in peace, not as inferiors. "Israel has yet to understand that it cannot have peace while denying justice," he wrote.

A Bloody 16 Months of Tit-for-Tat

With consistent ferocity, Palestinian radicals have staged suicide bombings and shootings against Israeli civilians during the last 16 months. And with ruthless reciprocity, the Israelis have undertaken harsh and repressive measures against Palestinians living in the Occupied Territories.

In a coordinated attack on December 2, two Palestinian suicide bombers killed 10 Israeli civilians and wounded 150 others at a crowded pedestrian mall in Jerusalem. On January 18, a lone Palestinian gunman strode into a bar mitzvah celebration in the Israeli town of Hadera and opened fire. In a flash, six were dead and 25 more were injured. The assailant was killed by police officers arriving on scene moments later.

These were but two of the numerous terrorist attacks that have frayed Israeli nerves and galvanized its political leaders to take military action over the past year.

Among the tactics employed by the Israeli armed forces have been targeted killings of figures they say coordinated terrorist attacks on Israeli citizens. For example, on January 14 Raed Karmi, who headed a militia affiliated with Arafat's Fatah Party died in an explosion attributed to Israel. Karmi had apparently claimed to be responsible for killing two Israelis in Tel Aviv last year.

On February 4, Palestinian security officials said Israeli helicopters fired missiles at a car carrying five members of the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine. All inside were killed. As of that evening, Israel had declined to comment on the incident or identify what attacks the five may have been responsible for.

The Israelis have also used highly aggressive tactics of displacement. On January 10, the Israeli army sent two bulldozers into a West Bank community near the Egyptian border and leveled homes leaving 93 families, or 600 people, homeless according to the Red Cross. The move was designed to prevent Palestinian militants from using the homes to conceal tunnels into Egypt through which weapons could be transported, claimed the Israeli military. According to one Israeli human rights group, more than 5,100 Palestinians have been left homeless in the past 16 months as a result of Israeli army demolitions.

The Palestinian leadership claims that Israel’Äôs targeted killings are merely a ssassinations designed to destroy destabilize the Palestinian Authority, which has nominal control of the Occupied Territories. They say the Israelis have provided scant evidence of guilt of those they have killed. And they denounce the leveling of the West Bank homes by Israeli bulldozers as unjustified acts of immense cruelty.

Israel counters that Arafat has not taken appropriate steps to rein in the terrorists who are launching attacks on Israeli citizens, so instead they are taking care of the problem. They point to a series of promises Arafat has made that, they say, he has not kept.

Where the US Fits In

President Clinton put solving the riddle of the Middle East at the top of his foreign policy agenda. Throughout much of his presidency, he and his team of advisors worked long hours to hold the Israeli-Palestinian peace process together. The president was reportedly on the phone with leaders from both camps up until the final hours of his presidency. And until the violence re-escalated in Israel and the occupied territories 16 months ago, it seemed likely that Clinton’Äôs role in bringing Arafat and former Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin together to sign the Oslo Peace Accords in 1993 would go down as the crowning achievement of his presidency.

President Bush and his team have pursued a somewhat different approach to the region. Secretary of State Colin Powell and National Security Advisor Condoleeza Rice acknowledge that resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict remains among their top priorities. But they have been unwilling to invest as much public political capital in negotiating a settlement between the two sides. Compared to his predecessor, Secretary Powell has made relatively few trips to the Mideast.

Instead, the administration has designated retired Marine Corps General Anthony Zinni as its envoy to the region. But General Zinni’Äôs efforts have had little impact in reducing the bloodshed.

Glimmers of Hope

Still, despite the accusations and the bloodshed, slivers of hope remain for peace in the Middle East.

Putting aside his tough talk, Prime Minister Sharon met covertly with three Arafat envoys on February 1. And Mr. Arafat’Äôs essay in the Times in which he stated, "Israel's peace partner is, and always has been, the Palestinian people" was a clear indication that he, too, is unwilling to abandon the peace process altogether.

Moreover, it is in the long-term best interests of both the Israelis and the Arabs to find a lasting resolution to their dispute. The ongoing conflict is enormously hurtful to both sides when measured both in terms of anguish and economics. The mutual benefits Israelis and Palestinians would enjoy if they could find a way to live peacefully alongside one another would surely be substantial.

Will Israeli and Palestinian leaders have the courage to put aside their longstanding grudges, to challenge the militant elements in their respective societies, and to take the risks needed to accomplish the goal of peace? It remains to be seen.

Just as it is inevitable that years of mistrust, anger, and division will continue to drive the two parties apart, so it is that the common benefits of peaceful coexistence will continue to pull them back the negotiating table. The prospective benefits of peace are simply too alluring to be ignored.

By Ethan Zindler


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